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R. H. WENDOVER'S VIEWS 



ON 



THE MONROE DOCTRINE, 



VITAL IMPOETANCE OF PEACE, EAILEOADS, THE NATION'S HOPE 
AND BLESSING, AND UNION AND PEATEBNITT, 



WITH PRACTICAL STRICTURES OX THE 



NEW CONSTITUTION OF MISSOURI 



ALSO, 



A SUPPLEMENT OF ORIGINAL ITEMS OF INTEREST. 




ST. LOUIS: 

GEORGE KNAPP & CO., PRINTERS AND BINDERS. 
18 67. 



R. H. WEND OVER'S 

YIEWS 
ON THE POLITICAL STATUS OF THE COUNTRY, ETC. 



Fellow Citizens : We again publish our " Views," and crave a 
little of your time and patience in their perusal. We have par- 
tially reviewed the past, especially since that dark picture in our 
history when brother contended with brother in the field of battle. 
But the tramp of hostile armies has ceased, and we are now en- 
deavoring to settle down in a state of peace. Yet we deplore the 
loss of many thousands of our brave countrymen, who have gone 
to that bourne from whence no traveler has ever returned. We 
feel a lively sympathy for the surviving wounded soldiers who 
have lost a leg or arm. The conscription forced many thousands 
from their peaceful employments and homes, and there was no 
other alternative but to take up arms and war against our brothers. 

At the close of the rebellion the question was agitated about 
engaging in another useless and unnecessary war. Some rash 
politicians sought the opinion of Gen. Grant, and other distin- 
guished officers, in relation to Mexico and France. It would have 
been the highest degree of rashness — aye, madness itself— if our 
Government, at the close of our own civil strife, had intermeddled 
in the Mexican imbroglio, or given aid and comfort to the Fenians 
in their attempt to invade and occupy the Canadas. We required 
years of peace with all countries after our mighty struggle. The 
country had indeed suffered sufficiently in the sacrifice of human 
life, in property and treasure, and prudent and sagacious states- 
men and the people were disposed to resort to all honorable means 
to prevent a war with any foreign power. 

Since the formation of the Government we have had wars enough 
without engaging in any others. We had two wars with Great 



Britain — one in 1776 and the other in 1812. We warred with 
Mexico in 1846, at the close of which Gen. Zachary Taylor, one 
of the great heroes of the war, was nominated for the Presidency, 
and elected by an overwhelming vote. Mr. Clay should have 
been the choice of the Whig party, rather than nominate and 
place in the Presidential chair a soldier who did not possess any 
knowledge whatever of statesmanship. At last, in 1861, the ter- 
rible civil strife began, which lasted four long years, killed and 
maimed for life a million of men, and after the assassination of Mr. 
Lincoln, Vice President Andrew Johnson became President of 
the United States. 

The State of Tennessee has furnished three sterling, able men 
for the Presidential chair : Gen. Andrew. Jackson, James K. Polk, 
and Andrew Johnson. Kentucky had two Vice Presidents : Col. 
Richard M. Johnson and John C. Breckenridge, the former of 
whom is said to have shot the chief Tecumseh. But Kentucky 
had a Clay, the pride of the country, and an illustrious example 
of imitation among the public men of his own State which he so 
faithfully served and honored. A monument has been erected to 
his memory, at Lexington, of very beautiful proportions and one 
hundred and twenty feet in height. 

The Monroe doctrine originated with James Monroe, one of our 
early Presidents, the fundamental principle of which was em- 
braced in these few words : " No monarchical government should 
be established on this continent." Mr. Monroe used this language 
in his message: "The Government of the United States will not 
look with indifference upon any attempt of European governments 
to plant a monarchical system upon this continent." Being simply 
the opinion of one man, it may or may not be sound doctrine, and 
under unforeseen circumstances it might be inexpedient to adopt 
the principle. We possess sufficient territory, and so thought the 
distinguished statesman, Henry Clay, who expressed himself, some 
time before his death, against the annexation of Texas. This anti- 
annexation of territory was the old Whig doctrine. The occupa- 
tion of the disputed territory between the Nueces and the Rio 
Grande inaugurated the war with Mexico. We had no right, ac- 
cording to the law of nations, to meddle in Mexican affairs, 
although it was apparent that they needed some protector or 
master-spirit to unite them and guide them to prosperity and 
hai^piness. We could have very readily acquired all of Mexico 
by peaceful negotiation, after the evacuation of the country by 
the French. With her mongrel population, it would have proved 



a source of painful regret to absorb in our body politic the de- 
scendants of negroes and Indians, and comparatively few descend- 
ants of the old Castilian or Spanish race. Neither have we any 
right to say that England shall not continue to hold the Canadas. 

Considering the great sacrifice of human life in our recent war, 
and the destitution of widows and orphan children, we may form 
some idea of the suffering which now afflicts the country. We 
must consider also the enormous national debt which we are in 
honor bound to liquidate, by an onerous taxation which will not 
only burden us, but will be entailed upon our posterity and gen- 
erations unborn. It is tax, tax ad infinitum, upon everything even 
down to a bill of lading and a box of matches. Is not this state 
of things enough to bring men to their senses ? Is it not time for 
fanatics, abolitionists and negro worshipers to pause before forcing 
upon the people of the country any further extreme measures which 
conflict so mischievously with the conservatism and consequent 
peace of the country? So far as the national debt is concerned, 
the burden of which, as we have said, will be entailed upon future 
generations, we direct attention to the subjoined quotation : 
"Thomas Jefferson denied the power of one generation to bind 
another by a public debt. His opinion was, that a debt could not 
be contracted to extend beyond the life of the generation that 
incurred it." 

All men are fallible, for the Bible says, " No man is perfect ; no, 
not one." The North wished to dissolve the Union to get rid of 
slavery ; the South wished to dissolve the Union so as to maintain 
the institution of slavery. So that they were both secessionists. 
Did you not, reader, consider an abolitionist far worse than a 
secessionist? Suppose the New England States were to withdraw 
from the Union, should they be whipped back, or should you let 
them go without a sigh of regret ? 

It was promised that if the South would only lay down their 
arms, this would have ended the feud, no further prosecution of 
the war would have been necessary, and no trial of Jefferson Davis 
or any of his compeers would have been required. Was this 
promise kept ? No ; the North has manifested the most unre- 
lenting hatred for the South, and kept them out of the Union 
under a military government. Suppose for a moment that the 
South had conquered the North, are you prepared to say that, if 
the latter had peaceably submitted, the former would have refused 
to give them seats in Congress? How many good men, who are 
now exiles in foreign countries have lost their all upon the throw 



of this die ! Many of the Southern men were forced by circum- 
stances into the war without a choice in the matter, and in many 
instances against their own will. An unjust cause in a war, which 
militates against the prosperity and happiness of the people, will 
ever fail to meet the approval of Divine Providence. 

There was considerable discussion upon the constitutional right 
of a State to withdraw from the Union. The question was settled 
in the South that ours was a mutual and conceded Union, a Union 
created only by common consent and interest — in fine, a contract 
and compact. The State of Virginia refused to go into the com- 
pact of States, at the time of the formation of the Federal Gov- 
ernment, unless she had the right to withdraw when wronged or 
oppressed. Congress could make two governments if it choose, 
and is the only power that can declare war or make peace. Since 
secessionism has failed, however, I would wish all men to exert 
s every efiort to heal the great wound inflicted by our late civil 
war ; to show charity ; to forgive and forget ; to let by-gones be 
by-gones ; to " go and sin no more." 

The agitation of the negro question was the leading cause of 

the war. Mast it ever be a source of trouble to our country? 

The radicals have advocated the question of negro suffrage, and 

while the Northern States will not permit such political equality 

of the negro, these extreme men have forced it upon the people of 

the South. This political equality of the negro is insisted upon 

by the radicals even to an extent which would make them our 

rulers and masters. The Creator made a difference between us 

and the negro, so that he is physically and mentally the inferior of 

the white man ; yet the unthinking and rash men in power would 

grant them a greater privilege than that of voting — the right to 

hold office and legislate for us ! The ignorant and untutored 

blacks can very easily be instructed by their friends the radicals 

to claim in the South all the rights and privileges that the 

whites alone have heretofore enjoyed. We entertain no hostility 

for the negro, and wish him well personally; but they lost their 

happy days, good homes, and pleasant religious meetings, when 

they left their masters. We are all slaves more or less in this 

world, and the negroes, who were treated kindly by their former 

masters, were better off than they are at present in their enlarged 

state of freedom. The war might have been prevented and the 

country saved if the Government had purchased them. According 

to the Constitution they were property. 

All white men, both in the North and South, if they speak their 



minds honestly upon the subject, are opposed to negro soldiers 
acting as a guard over white citizens. We believe that the negro 
military should be dispensed with, and that the idea is repulsive 
to white soldiers, especially, to mix with negro soldiers. There 
are naturally great dislike and prejudice entertained for an infe- 
rior race by a superior one, and an unwillingness to share in com- 
mon with them, on the part of the Union soldiers during the war, 
in the battles and victories of the Union armies. 

Mr. Clay favored gradual emancipation or colonization, and be- 
lieved that either would prevent war. While they have cost us 
more money than they are worth, they are still among us, and it 
is now too late for the impoverished South and a tax-burdened 
country to colonize them. They would be infinitely better off 
were they removed to the colony of Liberia, for negroes rule in 
this black republic, but cannot do so permanently in this country. 
Since radical rule has endeavored to elevate the negro above the 
white men of the South, the latter possess no political rights. 
Should such rule continue, the families of the former white mas- 
ters of the negroes will have to surrender the latter their places 
of nativity. Shall such outrageous wrong be imposed upon our 
fellow countrymen ? The elections recently in the North respond 
in thunder tones to the question — NO ! 

In the South many homes have been rendered desolate, and at 
present a base tyranny, a military government rules the hour. 
During the war we had martial law in the North as well as the 
South ; but such tyranny, through the plea of military necessity, 
cannot always rule among the people of the United States. In 
due time the people will release themselves from the yoke of a 
despotic Congress, when better men will take their places, the 
Southern States will be represented, and a return of the old days 
of the republic will gladden the hearts of the American people. 
No matter what the condition of the people has been since the 
war has closed, our form of government being democratic, free- 
men cannot long live under a military government, for the reason 
that they were never schooled in any other political knowledge 
than that which makes the people sovereign, and those who ad- 
minister the affairs of government the representatives to whom 
the power of the people is delegated. The people's advancement 
in knowledge is a very great matter, and the Brazilians would 
prosper under a free government did they possess the enlighten- 
ment of the people of the United States. The Sumners, Ste- 
venses, and others, are mere time-servers and creatures of the day, 
who will soon be forgotten, when the people generally will rise 



8 

in their might and take from them the power to do further mis- 
chief to the country. 

Indeed, fellow-citizens, we are heartily sick and tired of mili- 
tary despotism, and of seeing it prevail over civil rights and the 
constitutional right of representation in Congress of the Southern 
States. Some army officers, who are members of this" military 
government, have become defaulters, and in most cases investiga- 
tions have not been instituted, they having been allowed to enrich 
themselves and escape punishment* Look at the millions that 
have been spent at Benton barracks, and other government corrals 
in the United States ! The lavish expenditures and peculation 
during and since the war are without a parallel in the history of 
any country. 

The three distinct powers of the Government are the legislative, 
executive and judiciary. These are the sole legal powers which 
make law, neither of which ought under any circumstance to be 
violated. When an officer of the Government is guilty of mal- 
feasance in office, he renders himself liable to indictment or im- 
peachment. The people are the source of all law, the sovereign 
power is vested in the people, and those who administer the law 
are merely their agents. If a Governor violate his oath, or in any 
way abuse the privilege of his office, he is amenable to the law. 
The Governor of any State has the power to remit fines, grant 
pardons, and remit even his own fine ; but the Legislature can 
impeach him, and the people can refuse to continue him in office. 
So far as regards the President, it is not disputed that Congress 
can impeach or depose him, if the charges preferred against him 
bear the least color of plausibility. But can they impeach Mr, 
Johnson on constitutional grounds? We think not, and feel satis- 
fied that they will not attempt it, fearing the terrible consequences 
to the country which would inevitably result from so rash and 
revolutionary a procedure. 

According to the Federal Constitution, no ex post facto law, im- 
pairing the obligations of contracts, shall be passed. Marriage, 
for instance, is a civil and solemn contract ; but how much respect 
is paid to the marital law, or the marriage contract ? It is often 
severed, and as often leaves a stain upon innocent offspring 
When men become bankrupt in Kentucky, some inconstant hus- 
bands among them, finding themselves in straitened circumstances, 
apply for divorces. Perhaps some men have made the discovery, 
when too late, that in electing a poor though accomplished girl 
as a partner for life, they have " married the whole family." Since 



9 

the emancipation proclamation women have no slaves to perform 
the culinary duties, and their former ennui, the fruit of idleness 
and lack of exercise, has left them since they have applied them- 
selves with alacrity to their domestic affairs. There will be fewer 
divorces since the wives have thus become helpmates. 

Blackstone, in his Common Law, says, " No court can destroy 
a contract unless it has been violated ;" nor can a contract be 
made null and void for goods bought and sold by individuals in 
any of the Northern or Southern States. How preposterous to 
say, when any unforeseen misunderstanding or unavoidable mis- 
fortune occurs, " Oh, I will break the contract." You may also 
endorse a man's note, but cannot release yourself if the other 
party fail to pay or curtail his note. The only remedy is to keep 
your name off such paper, for many good-natured, confident men, 
who believed other men honest because they possessed sterling 
honesty themselves, have been beggared by endorsing their neigh- 
bors' notes. 

All should bear in mind that the Federal Constitution is our 
corner-stone, our chart, our beacon-light, our anchor. We cling 
to this great charter of our freedom as we do to the flag of the 
nation, and solemnly vow to protect and cherish it unimpaired 
under all circumstances. But should this great safeguard of our 
liberties ever be destroyed, the vessel of State will be stranded 
and sunk to rise no more. We warn you to preserve it to the 
end. We never wished to see the "higher law" of Northern fa- 
natics elevated above that of the Constitution. The Bible is the 
great guide in our moral and religious training, but God never 
designed that its holy teachings should control the workings of 
the governments of the world. The " higher-law Bible " and the 
" higher-law God " doctrine is but an emanation from the brain of 
the mad fanatic, and not authorized by Christ, who tells us to 
" Render unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and unto God 
the things that are God's." Could these higher-law men have 
obeyed the teachings of the Bible, the country would not have been 
plunged into our late civil war, which all must concede was in a 
great measure the direful result of their higher-law crusade. 

Stand, therefore, resolutely, my countrymen, by your noble 
chieftain and standard-bearer, Andrew Johnson, and your con - 
servatism and patriotism will aid our honored Chief Magistrate in 
bringing back to the country the good old days of prosperity and 
a lasting peace. Then we will revive the dear old barbecues of 
the past, and the parties as of yore will meet together during a 



10 

Presidential and Gubernatorial campaign and discuss again the 
political measures of the day. If the people had chosen a Demo- 
cratic President in 1860 instead of Abraham Lincoln, we confi- 
dently assert our belief that war would not have afflicted the 
country with its sanguinary fields of contest, nor forced the cry of 
anguish from the hearts of the weeping mothers, widows and des- 
titute orphans of the slain citizen soldiers. The mistaken policy 
of the people in supporting Mr. Lincoln, and the principles to 
which he was pledged, brought all this trouble upon the country. 
So it is with individuals as well as nations, as is illustrated in 
the subjoined anecdote : Jesse Bledsoe, Esq., an eminent lawyer 
of Kentucky, once said to Henry Clay, " One misstep has almost 
ruined me for life. When I stepped from the window of your 
house, under the influence of liquor, I broke my leg, and was near 
breaking my neck. So it was when you voted for the Compensa- 
tion Bill in Congress ; it was near ruining you." Since we cannot 
now recall the bitter past, let us take good heart and endeavor to 
repair the terrible mischiefs resulting from the mistakes or " mis- 
steps " of the extreme men in 1860, and like Mr. Clay, in his reply 
to Mr. Bledsoe, " Pick our flints and try it again." 

Some have thought that the South would have found a better 
friend in Mr. Lincoln, had he lived, than in Andrew Johnson. 
We cannot account for the peculiarity of such persons' ideas upon 
this subject ; they are evidently founded upon the prejudice of the 
radical foes of the President. He has given sufficient evidence of 
his love for the people, and his efforts have been unceasingly ex- 
erted for the return of the Southern States into the Union, or 
their representatives into Congress, and the entire country, except 
the radicals, who are speedily becoming a minority party, applaud 
the President's policy. Even European papers recommend a feel- 
ing of kindness to be cherished and extended to the people of the 
South, and the suppression of all bitterness of feeling in the North 
as well as the South. Following the President's humane and 
patriotic course, the entire truly Christian communities of the 
North should extend the old hand of fellowship to our Southern 
brethren, forgetting the past and looking to the future with hope 
and confidence in our country. Gerrit Smith, the great abolition 
leader, published some time since a most able and learned address 
upon the necessity of extending leniency and forgiveness to the 
people of the South, and to assist them in repairing their losses. 
He quoted the Law of Nations (Vattel and other authors), and 
thinks the Southern people have suffered sufficiently in their great 



11 

sacrifice of life and property. Wendell Phillips, another leader 
distinguished alike for his abolition zeal in the past, compared the 
situation of the South to that of a fly in a confined room, which 
on being safely let out of the window, was told : " Go, poor fly ! 
I will not hurt you nor pursue you further." We need some 
magnanimous benefactors in the North, and the late political reac- 
tion proves that a mighty host have arisen for the relief and pro- 
tection of the Southern people. 

Centralization is the whole power vested in the General Gov- 
ernment, and consolidation is the uniting of the parts of each 
European monarchy under one head. The people of this country 
want neither of these. It would be a difficult task for the Presi- 
dent and Congress to control the State institutions and legislation 
of the States of the Union, and would materially conflict with 
the liberty of the people who have ever managed their own local 
State affairs. Each State is sovereign per se, but without the 
power of treating with foreign powers and levying war, which be- 
longs only to the General Government. United together perma- 
nently by solemn compact, the States agree to support and main- 
tain the General Government, and the latter in return protects 
the former in all their sovereign rights. Centralization would 
eventually erase all State lines, and make the sovereign States of 
the Union one common territory over which would be proclaimed, 
as in the days of the old Venitian tyranny, the edicts of a second 
Doge of Venice and his Council of Ten. The arbitrary measures 
of Congress, as far as the South is concerned, centre the powers 
which belong to the States, unrepresented in Congress, at Wash- 
ington, and delegate these powers to commanders who reduce 
them to mere military orders from which the down-trodden people 
can make no appeal. This is centralization with a vengeance, and 
a despotic rule over the South which has no parallel in history. 
But there is a remedy for this outrage of the Radical Congress 
upon the liberty of freemen, and the glorious era is coming apace 
when the people will permanently set aside all issues which tend 
to distract and divide the two sections of the country, by removing 
all obstacles in the way of a return of the Southern representa- 
tives to Congress, their constitutional rights as sovereign States, 
and the exclusive control by white men of all their local State 
affairs. The great afflictions and public wrongs of a free people 
will eventually rebound upon the tribunal that imposed at least 
the latter, and this Congressional power will yet be hurled from 
the positions which they have dishonored, and become ever after 
a by-word and reproach among an indignant people. 



12 

We have hope in the future for our country, notwithstanding 
the present lamentable state of affairs in the South. Could we 
look through the vista of futurity, far beyond our own time, we 
might see the glorious spectacle of an augmented domain of Free- 
dom teeming with a happy population of freemen from the At- 
lantic to the Pacific, and possessing a power which will defy the 
combined powers of Europe. We might see this noble fabric of 
freedom reared to its most lofty proportions by the union of hearts 
and the union of hands of a disenthralled and permanently united 
North and South. This advanced state of the free and united 
American people will solve the great problem of self-government, 
and illustrate that the government of a free people is the most 
sublime system on earth, supported as it will be by a people who 
shall be one and inseparable, a glorious brotherhood of freemen, 
and possessed of the power to counteract all the machinations 
of selfish and ambitious men. Why, then, should we be discour- 
aged since the people of the North have recently put their fiat 
upon the persistent persecution and tyranny exercised over the 
Southern whites ? It will last but for a season, and the distant 
epoch of the great millenium of freedom will exhibit the rich fru- 
ition of the efforts and hopes of the American patriot in these 
days of sadness and doubt. 

We doubt the propriety and future success of the Fenian 
movement. It is very well for our Irish citizens to band their 
countrymen together, make occasional demonstrations of sym_ 
pathy for their oppressed brethren in the Emerald Isle, and to 
relieve, with the additional aid of other citizens, the starvation 
and suffering of an oppressed people ; but to make warlike forays 
upon the Canadas, and incite the people of Ireland to rebellion, 
will only have the effect eventually of augmenting the sufferings of 
their people, and of inviting a more formidable military despot- 
ism than has ruled our Southern brethren. England is too pow- 
erful in resources for Ireland, situated within such convenient 
reach of British iron-clads and well-trained troops, to commence 
their struggle for liberty. The most prosperous of our citizens, 
especially in our large cities, embrace a great number of Irishmen, 
and their condition and prospects are vastly superior to any which 
they could in any event have enjoyed in their native country. 
Under our democratic form of government our Irish fellow-citi- 
zens can enjoy those rights the exercise of which give them the 
most enlarged liberty of freemen. The population of Ireland has 
greatly decreased within the last century, and their annual emi- 



13 

gration to this country promises an increasing exodus from old 
Ireland to the " land of the free and the home of the brave." Let 
them come by legions and become in due time absorbed in our 
body politic, and the future will exhibit in the green isle so many 
" deserted villages " for future Goldsmiths to celebrate in verse, 
that the census-taker will find it difficult to discover a true Irish- 
man in a land that would teem with all the riches and plenty of a 
fertile soil were freedom the boon of the impulsive though gen- 
erous and hospitable Irishman. 

The eight-hour law movement has been agitated throughout 
the country for several years past. The trades-unions of the va- 
rious cities have combined to lessen the hours for labor. Legis- 
lation has been resorted to, and in some instances the earnest 
prayers of a numerous, hard-working community have been 
granted. The working classes are the bone and sinew of the 
country, and we should protect them by every means in our 
power. To prevent crime in our large communities, you must 
make labor honorable and agreeable. Against the excessively 
lengthened day's toil, which prostrates and finally sacrifices so 
many of our best men and women, humanity calls aloud for the 
only remedy — two hours less for a day's labor. The health and 
happiness of workingmen require that a day should be divided 
thus : Eight hours for labor, eight hours for sleep, and eight hours 
to your family, country, and to God. Our own State Legislature 
has not been behind others in adopting this law. In addition to 
the eight-hour movement, a sufficient amount — say $1,000 — of 
property and furniture should be exempt from taxation and exe- 
cution, and those in moderate circumstances, especially those who 
compose our laboring classes, would be greatly benefitted. We 
should endeavor to protect by prudent legislation a numerous 
class of the community whose power and influence should ever 
demand those rights which would insure their domestic security 
and comfort. 



STRICTURES 
ON THE NEW CONSTITUTION OF MISSOURI. 



Fellow Citizens : The old Constitution was good enough for 
the citizens of Missouri. Many entertain the idea, which has 
some reason, that men are governed too much. Others, who 
would make fit tyrants to rule, conceive that it will not do to 
allow men too much liberty. The most enlarged liberty, when it 
does not conflict with the duties and rights of every good citizen, 
should be allowed and incorporated in every public act. The 
Xew Constitution is anti-republican in most of its features, and 
its illiberality is a disgrace to its framers. The clergy are 
even not exempt from the proscriptive requirements of this new 
instrument, and the test oath is demanded of them before they 
are allowed to exercise the right of suffrage. This test oath is 
the pledge all classes of men must make before they are registered 
voters and believed to be loyal men. Taking the test-oath was 
the proof of loyalty. Loyalty ! The word has become so hack- 
neyed, for the reason of its incessant repetition by men who 
understand so little of its true meaning, and abuse it by their anti- 
republican proscription of law-abiding citizens, that it grates un- 
musically upon the ear of every patriot and friend of his country. 
We want no such loyalty as that which would rule with despotic 
sway the white men of the South, and elevate above them the 
brutal and uncultured negro. Loyal citizens ! The effrontery of 
the radicals is ridiculously apparent on public occasions when they 
claim such distinction, and prejudge men who have submitted to 
the authorities of the Government, and others who do not affili- 
ate with this Titus Oates class politically, to be disloyal 1 They 
claim to be regarded as the only men who possess a true and 
thorough love for their country, while they favor all the extreme 
measures of the radical Congress. They claim to be the only 
patriots ! The very men who remained snugly at home, while 



15 

brave men were battling for the government, are the select 
" patriots " of the present day, who would have urged our armies 
to carry fire and sword throughout the South, and hung sans 
ceremonie every captured prisoner of war, and even those Southern 
men who were not rebel soldiers, but who were suspected at once 
of being traitors ! Loyal citizens and patriots ! Verily, they are 
true lovers of their country — so far as a contracted and selfish 
regard that their political action betrays for their own radical 
friends and the negroes ! 

We have thus given the character of the radical persecutors 
who so arrogantly take upon themselves the credit of being the 
only true friends of the country. The framers of the new Consti- 
tution in Convention were the objects of the most affectionate 
regard of the loyal mongers we have referred to, and fully merit 
the highest encomiums of the radical Congress. To invest the 
Governor of the State with an unprecedented appointing power is 
in full character with these extreme men. The appointment of 
some eight hundred civil officers is a stretch of power in one 
man which has not to our knowledge a parallel in this country. 
While we have boasted of an elective democratic government, 
and contended that every office should be by ballot the free gift 
of the people, this Convention declared that the people shall have 
no voice in the matter, and that the one-man power shall prevail ! 
It made no difference, however, while the taking of the prolix 
test-oath was required of every man, especially of those who were 
suspected of being confederate soldiers, or aiding and abetting in 
the cause. This numerous class of persons, when the new Con- 
stitution was submitted to the suffrage of the people, stayed away 
from the polls, for the very sufficient reason that they did not wish 
to humiliate themselves by this beggarly way of exercising a free- 
man's right of suffrage. Consequently the odious new Constitu- 
tion was ratified by only those loyal brawlers who possess so little 
charity for their neighbors. Since, then, the Governor was in- 
vested with this wholesale appointing power, what difference, we 
repeat, if a majority of the people, who are not inclined to take 
the test-oath, have not a free citizen's right to elect men of their 
choice to office? 

The onerous taxation which this new Constitution imposes upon 
the people is without precedent. The Legislature is the proper 
source which should impose taxation upon the people of the State. 
This Constitution would entail its cursed incubus of taxation 
upon the State for generations to come. This taxation is intended 



16 

as a permanent thing — or rather, we should say, just so long as 
the people of Missouri tolerate such an infamous instrument as 
the new Constitution. The very idea of taxing the sacred^edifices 
dedicated to the worship of God, and invading the quiet resting 
places of the dead, to put a price upon the graves of the departed 
in the shape of taxation, is enough to horrify every true Christian 
in the land, and bring down the vengeance of Heaven for such 
sacrilegious perfidy ! Might not these framers of the new Consti- 
tution as well imitate infidel France at the height of the old 
French revolution, and place above every graveyard, sacredly 
dedicated to Christian burial, " Death is an eternal sleep" ? This 
was not near so terrible as the bare idea of exhuming the dead? 
if the tax upon the graves imposed by this damnable edict, in the 
guise of the new Constitution, were not collectable. The secta- 
rian element is always the accompaniment of radicalism, and this 
glorious charter of the people's freedom in Missouri levies much 
heavier taxation upon the places of worship of the Catholic com- 
munities in the State than the Protestant places of worship ! 
Both these religious communities are equally and justly indignant 
at the outrageous attempt of the framers of the new Constitution 
to place the heavy burden of taxation upon their places of wor- 
ship. This abuse of all that is sacred, this madness of radicalism, 
will of course inevitably defeat itself and its purposes by such 
spasmodic fits of outrage and wrong upon the people, and the thun- 
der of the people's voice will cast out the legions of devils they 
possess, which impel them to evil and that continually, although at 
the sacrifice of their political hopes and prospects. They will 
then become sane and of a right mind, but conscious of their past 
political perfidy will hide themselves from the scorn and indigna- 
tion of an outraged people. 

This new Constitution strikes with a parricidal hand at the pri- 
vate, vested rights and contracts of the citizen. The Federal 
Constitution says that no ex post facto law impairing the obliga- 
tions of contracts shall be passed, and this great charter guaran- 
tees the protection of life, liberty, property, and the pursuit of hap- 
piness. But what is the use of referring to the Federal Constitu- 
tion as a guide for the action of such men as the framers of the 
new Constitution ? What is the use of directing the attention of 
men so confirmed in their hatred of every thing liberal and enlight- 
ened ? They are only keeping back the evil day — the day of re- 
tributive justice. 

The incongruous features of this new instrument are so glaring 



17 

that it is hardly necessary for us to adduce high authority to sat- 
isfy any one of its inconsistencies and outrageous usurpation of 
the rights of the citizen. We wonder very much that the Con- 
vention did not abolish the Legislature ; they have considerably 
curtailed its powers. Why did they not say that men should not 
own more than five hundred acres of land, nor possess over 
8100,000 ? These constitutional framers were prepared to adopt 
any monstrosity that a malignant spirit would prompt them to 
conceive. They should have been brought to condign punishment 
for the wrong done their constituents by violating every prin- 
ciple of right and justice. The gentlemen of the Convention 
talked, forsooth, about treason ! Why, bless you, they are the 
the most arrant traitors alive ! Andrew Johnson, who has told 
you that all the powers of the Government are from the people, 
is stigmatized by such men as traitor ! Where, then, can we find 
a patriot in the land ? If Clay, Webster, Benton, and other well- 
schooled statesmen had lived, we believe there would have been 
no war, and consequently at its close no radicals in power to op- 
press with military rule the free white men of the South, and at- 
tempt to disfranchise the Democratic citizens of Missouri. How 
pleasant the retrospection, when we look back to the good old 
days of the Whig and Democratic parties ! They were happy 
days indeed — they were the halcyon days of our prosperity, and 
" traitor " was a term not found in the vocabulary of either school 
of politicians. Those days will return — they must return at no 
distant time as certainly as there is Truth, and as surely as inspi- 
ration prompted the utterance of the immortal Jackson : " The 
Union must and shall be preserved." 

Our learned and patriotic Attorney General, at the time the 
new Constitution was adopted, said it was revolutionary in its 
spirit, and did not meet with the approval of the enlightened citi- 
zens of Missouri. Our Governor, Thomas C. Fletcher, was op- 
posed to it, and pronounced it " very badly got up." Opposition 
also came from the young and sprightly Charley Johnson, who 
eloquently denounced it as a sheer infringement upon the rights 
of the people of the State. Other persons regarded it with mani- 
fest disfavor, who were among those who withdrew from the Con- 
vention. The Turners' Hall delegation called upon the Conven- 
tion demanding an adjournment of that body, and were about 
breaking it up by force when the military interfered. The dis- 
gustingly obnoxious features of the new Constitution were so 
apparent that the popular indignation was at once aroused, and 

2 



18 

had it not been for the military, who were ever called upon to 
protect all radical conventions in their nefarious attempts to in- 
flict wrong upon the citizen, the deliberations of the Convention 
would have been short-lived. The news was bruited about, at 
the time of the Turners' Hall demonstration, that the " framers " 
were about freeing negro property from taxation, and disfran- 
chising the men who refused to take the test-oath. Many mem- 
bers of the Convention deserted it like rats from a sinking ship, 
and out of sixty-six members only thirty-eight signed it. No 
marvel that they would desert this nucleus of madmen and fan- 
atics that signed such instrument of oppression. No wonder that 
sane people raised their hands in astonishment when the blow was 
struck at privileges granted to corporations — to bank charters, 
insurance companies, railroads, churches, charters to lodges, and 
in short disfranchised the conservative citizens of the State. 

In the Presidential canvass of 1864, men were afraid to express 
their choice of a candidate on account of the military. Congress 
has since passed a law punishing any soldier or officer who inter 
feres in elections, yet the military are the ruling power over white 
men in the South at this day. The idea of men voting for the 
new Constitution because it possesses one good feature, is pre- 
posterous. To illustrate such absurdity and rashness, you may 
swallow a dozen poisonous pills for one good one, and lose your 
life. It would be better ten times over to reject the whole and 
order a new prescription. Men voted for the new Constitution 
because the military power was in the ascendancy, whose pres- 
ence signified that they were expected to conform to the require- 
ments of the " rule and ruin" policy of the radicals, notwithstand- 
ing the act of Congress which forbade an officer or soldier to in~ 
terfere in elections. All Congressional acts will prove inoperative 
if they conflict with the fell purposes of the radical leaders — that 
is, so long as they can maintain their power, which, thank the 
Lord, will not be long. The reign of the old French triumvirate 
was short-lived, and Eobespierre, who survived his sacrificed brother 
despots, and succeeded to the supreme power which was a reign 
of blood, was hurled at last to destruction by a justly indignant 
people. So will the dominancy of the Congressional radicals 
cease, if they fail to impeach the President ; but if the latter suffer 
such ignominy, although they will eventually meet their political 
doom at the hands of the people, a Congressional despotism will 
be inaugurated of exalting still more the negroes and of further 
degrading the white men of the South. None could embody all 



19 

the venom of fanaticism, a hatred of conservatism, and love for 
the negro as well as Charles Sumner, and he, like Robespierre, 
may aspire to the supreme power, the exercise of which would be 
sure to meet at last with the popular vengeance. 

The cause of the revolutionary war of 1776 was oppression of 
the mother country. The oppressive measures of the party in 
power have already aroused the Northern States to peaceable 
political action. Let the people overthrow the ruling power in 
Congress, and all will be well; but should the radicals, during 
the residue of their terms in Congress, persist in visiting upon 
defenceless people unnecessary wrong and oppression, the old 
struggle may be resumed for the rights of man — those rights 
which our Federal Constitution guarantees to every law-abiding 
citizen of the South. We should deplore trouble like this to the 
country, and only speak of the possibility of such an event should 
the radicals be crazy enough not to heed the utterance of the 
people's thunder tones recently in the Northern States : Thus 
far shall you go, but no further ! Oppression from ourselves may 
be borne for awhile, but the right-thinking people of the country 
will soon, we trust, very peaceably overthrow it. The very at- 
tempt of the mother country to oppress the Colonies in 1776 was 
resisted by our ancestors, and our liberty was achieved at last 
after a bloody struggle in a blaze of glory! May that flag which 
bears upon its broad folds the emblematic stripes of red and white, 
and the stars in their field of azure, awaken holy thoughts of our 
sacred struggle for liberty in the days of our grandsires, and we 
shall forget all sectional bitterness and go forth together hand in 
hand, brother with brother, to that goal of a perfected and ex- 
alted freedom which will unite us indissolubly and permanently 
as American freemen. 

We close our thoughts upon this part of our work by directing 
the attention of the reader to the following from the Detroit 
Tribune, which we are proud to copy entire, reminding the reader 
that Hon. P. H. Wendover, " the Father of the Flag," was our 
ancestor : 

WENDOVER, THE FATHER OF THE FLAG. 

In 1778, the flag of the United States was altered at the sugges- 
tion of the Hon. P. H. Wendover, of New York. A return was 
made to the thirteen stripes, as it was anticipated that the flag 
would become unwieldy if a stripe were added on the admission 
of each State. He also proposed the arrangement of all the stars 



20 

in the Union into the form of a single star. The resolution of 
1813 was as follows : 

Resolved, That from and after the fourth of July, the flag of the 
United States be thirteen horizontal stripes, alternate white and 
red ; that the Union be twenty stars white in a blue field, and 
that on the admission of a new ,State to the Union, one star be 
added to the Union of the flag, etc. 

Wendover is known in history as " The Father of the Flag." 
The following lines are respectfully dedicated to Mrs, Cynthia 
Wendover Van Deuser, a descendant of the distinguished patriot, 
and the wife of the Medical Superintendent of the Michigan Asy- 
lum for the Insane : 

No wonder Wendover of old 
Suggested stripes and stars of gold 

For the true standard of the free, 
For when our infant nation bled, 
He saw the smoking streams of red, 
And the blue banners overhead, 

With the white bars of purity. 

He saw the stars come gleaming through 
The radiant fields of azure hue, 

A gentle hint by nature given — 
To patriots pure, and brave and wise. 
He copied from the glowing skies 
The starry banner Nature flies, 
The flag that God unfolds in Heaven. 

In his descendants here we trace 
A starry splendor of the face, 

Left by the light that sweetly stole 
Upon his features light and fair, 
From the vast worlds of beauty where 
Crowned angels lean from walls of air 

To guide aright the patriot soul. 

The generations yet unborn, 

When they behold the streaks of morn, 

And the star-glory of the night, 
Shall point with pride to one of old 
Who filled our flag with stars of gold, 
And underscored the blazing fold 

With the broad lines of red and white. 



.A. SUPPLEMENT 

OF ORIGINAL ITEMS OF INTEREST. 



Geeeit Smith, unlike the bitter men who compose the Radical 
Congress, writes to Herschel V. Johnson in a tone which does 
honor to his head and heart. Mr. S. pleads in the most affecting 
and earnest manner for peace, for mutual forbearance, and the old 
return of fellowship between the two sections of the country, 
while neither party must claim that itself is the saint and the 
other the sinner. Peace he wants, as all rational men do, in which 
he declares that we shall then be lovingly linked together, and 
there will be no longer fears entertained of another breach be- 
tween us, and therefore no longer doubts of our national credit 
and threats of repudiation. 

He also thinks that the impeachment of the President, if it 
really should take place, would neither bring peace, nor supersede 
the need of it. Peace being the first need of the nation, every 
effort should be made to secure it. The South, convinced of the 
honesty and fraternal spirit of the North, would entertain the 
same spirit, and there would be no doubt of winning the heart of 
the South and bringing about a lasting peace. If Congress 
should at the present session appropriate fifty oe one hun- 
dred millions op dollaes to the war-impoverished South, for 
the reason that the North as well as the South was responsible 
for the war, an enduring peace would follow such large investment. 

Mr. S, thinks, and with some reason, that if room had been 
given for the play of the heart in 1865, the South would have 
answered our loving appeals in a like spirit. The cool, cunning, 
calculating intellect employed by the statesmen of the country 
has retarded instead of hastened the reconciliation of the North 
and South. It is not the skill of the statesman which can so well 
make a lasting peace, but simply a sense of justice, and the mu- 
tual forgiveness of mutually offending brethren. 



22 

In his letter to William Lloyd Garrison, Gerrit Smith opposes 
confiscation and white disfranchisement. He would have the 
Southern leaders, whom Congress have disfranchised, allowed 
to vote and take part in the Government. If all the negroes in 
the South are allowed to vote, it is safe to accord the same right 
to all the whites, as the negroes could be at the polls to hold in 
check such whites as might be disposed to be oppressive. When 
the South laid down her arms, Mr. Smith thought that a tempo- 
rary disfranchisement of those who had made war upon the Gov- 
ernment would be necessary, but he afterwards believed that only 
a few of them should be disfranchised, and finally believed that 
none should be. He believes that treason is not to be charged in 
such a war as this, and that the conquered stand in no need of 
amnesty. 

Mr. Smith thought at first that the large landed estates of the 
South should be distributed amongst her white and black poor, 
and that it would be a wise as well as benevolent measure ; but 
very soon he ceased to think so. Her white poor do not call for 
this confiscation or distribution. As this is a war in which both 
parties are guilty, and neither entitled to indemnity for the past, 
there remains no justifiable cause for confiscation. Peace without 
confiscation is worth more to black and white than confiscation 
without peace. Poor as he is, the black man needs peace more 
than property, and with a return of a permanent peace he will 
not want property. It has been urged to distribute her soil, 
while a school system has been adopted for the blacks ; and if the 
South yield to more demands, the distinction between the office 
of the general government and that of the State governments will 
eventually be obliterated, and the State governments will soon 
have disappeared. 

Mr. S. thinks that the war arose from a mere rebellion into the 
dimensions of a great civil war, that Jefferson Davis should not 
be punished for treason, and that he should not be the target and 
victim, singled out from the millions in the South who sustained 
the Confederate government, for Northern vengeance. Mr. Davis, 
as President of the Confederate government, should not be pun- 
punished any more than those who took part with him in the 
rebellion. We think so too. 

The plans far building the colossal bridge across the Mississippi 
river to connect Illinois with St. Louis, were accepted by the 
Board in July, 1867. The vast importance of this great work to 



the entire country will strike every one who will take the least 
thought upon the subject. It will take three years to complete 
the work from the date of the commencement of operations 
during the summer of this year. When this mighty construction 
shall have been completed and ready for the transit of passen- 
gers and freight across the Father of Waters, you can take the 
cars from St. Louis for any place in the United States without 
an interruption. What a glorious achievement this great work 
will be for the city, and what a great impetus it will give to trade, 
commerce, and the increase of her population ! There will be a 
grand Union depot constructed, from which will diverge nine dif- 
ferent other depots centered in our city. You cannot expect a 
city like ours to grow in commercial importance and population 
without the great convenience now in progress. Building will 
have a fresh start, and the mechanic and laboring man can find at 
last permanent homes, while a sufficient number of dwellings and 
reduced rents will attract thousands of them to our city. Indeed 
all in our future populous city of some 400,000 or 500,000 souls 
can take the cars at this point, as we have said, for any part of 
the United States, and especially thousands of miles further west, 
when our prosperity will be at its height. 

The cost of the bridge and the tunnel, without calculating the 
cost of real estate, is estimated at $5,000,000, the real estate being 
valued at $750,000. Mr. Eads, Chief Engineer, ten days after the 
plans of the Bridge Company were accepted by the Board, had a 
cofferdam constructed on this side of the river for the abutment 
pier. The two piers which will support the three glorious arches, 
spanning the St. Louis and Illinois shores of the river, will be of 
such immense masonry as to take back the mind involuntarily to 
Cheops and Cephrenes and their pyramids by the winding Nile. 
The mind can scarcely conceive of a grander construction of 
mason work, and we await its future completion for the public to 
view with wonder and astonishment a work of colossal magni- 
tude that may vie with any others of modern times. 

America will never be free, or happy, or united until they drive 
England out of the Canadas. England doubtless helped to fo- 
ment the bitterness of feeling between the North and South by 
sending out her emissaries to distract the minds of our people. 
We should send out our emissaries to provoke and distract Old 
England in the same way. Some of our Irish citizens, for whose 
prudence we cannot vouch, have recently taken the initiative. 



24 

The General Bankrupt Law of the United States is a wise and 
beneficent act. Since " this cruel war is over," one-half the people 
are hopelessly insolvent, and there is little chance of their ever 
outliving their embarrassments. This law will prove a blessing 
to many who can start business anew, and be again able to sup- 
port their families decently. Mr. Clay mentioned in a speech, 
which we heard him deliver, that the old Hebrew law forgave a 
man his debts every seven years. We have known men, how- 
ever, who would not forgive a debtor and his heirs under seventy 
times seven years, and, if the law could justify it, would make it 
incumbent upon his heirs to collect a paltry debt from the descend- 
ants of his debtor a century after date ! Some of these hard- 
hearted creditors have radical proclivities ! 

The internal revenue law — or as some ill-natured persons 
will call it, the "infernal" revenue — will tax us a hundred years 
to come. Loyal slaveholders should demand indemnity for their 
negroes hereafter. If the Government had paid them $1,000 for 
each of their slaves, all would have been harmony and peace in 
the country, and no war and taxation to alarm and burden the 
people of our once happy land. Internal revenue will eat out the 
very vitals of the present generation, and perhaps future genera- 
tions to come. 

It is predicted by experienced and far-seeing persons that our 
young men of this day will outlive a population of one million 
souls in St. Louis. What a subject for contemplation ! The 
bridge in progress over the Mississippi, and other bridges that 
will yet span the Father of Waters, as well as another reservoir 
to aid in supplying our vast city with water, will work wonders 
in the future. 

The right kind of reconstruction of the Southern States, and 
their proper admission into Congress by representation, would be 
a great blessing to the country. The past enmity and deadly hos- 
tility between both sections of the country, in such a case, would 
be forgiven and forgotten, and we could look forward to the fu- 
ture with abundant hope and confidence. A glorious government 
will arise Phoenix-like from the ashes of the past devouring flames 
of war; the people, enjoying the restored blessings of a free gov- 
ernment, will cease to feel the poignancy of our grief in the loss 
of friends sacrificed in the sanguinary fields of our late civil strife, 



2D 

and we will all endeavor to outvie each other in the godlike effort 
to make our suffering and afflicted people in the South prosperous 
and happy. In the name of God and his great mercy, let all this 
be done, and that quickly ! 

1 Some persons in almost every community proclaim their wish 
that the national debt will be wiped out by repudiation. The 
war was a very rash procedure, if, as some say, it was possible to 
prevent it by a peaceable settlement of our national difficulties 
at the start. Our late bloody strife was brought on partly by 
want of foresight and the extraordinary lack at the time of calm 
deliberation and the mutual disposition of both North and South 
to reason together before resorting to the arbitrament of the 
sword. We lacked the wisdom and matured judgment which 
actuated the noble minds of such godlike men as Jackson, Clay, 
Webster, and others, who reposed in death while our fratricidal 
war raged in all its fury. Let us then seriously determine to be- 
come seriously united as a people, oppose repudiation by honestly 
resolving to pay our national debt, and we shall prosper beyond 
all our former hopes and expectations. We will then, like good 
sentinels on the watch-towers, jealously guard the fair fabric of our 
freedom, and defy the futile efforts of the enemies of popular 
government to do us harm. 

Our great statesmen had all paid the debt of nature when the 
war commenced. Had they lived, the people in both sections of 
the country, who almost deified them, might have listened to the 
warnings of these great oracles of the people, and not imbrued 
their hands in each other's blood. Well might Northern and 
Southern men say, who struggled against each other in the ensan- 
guined field, like Macbeth while gazing upon his hands, •'' Out, 
damned spot !" The blood-stains shall be permanently erased 
when we will all unite in forgiving and forgetting the past, and a 
union of hearts and hands bind us together as a great brotherhood 
of freemen. Then will we more than ever revere the memory of 
such illustrious statesmen as Henry Clay, John C. Calhoun, and 
Daniel Webster. 

The Radical Congress of 1867 arrayed themselves against the 
Constitution, the Supreme Court, and the President who faithfully 
represents the people. Because the President has truly and hon- 
estly taken Constitutional grounds in opposition to the ruinous 



26 

and tyrannical measures of the radicals, they have vainly exerted 
every effort to impeach him ! The reaction that has taken place 
in the North points unerringly to the future when the brief reign 
of these fanatical constitutional patchers and negro worshipers 
will cease, and their iniquitous and unconstitutional measures, 
which are fashioned into laws, shall come under the hammer of 
Repeal. This revolutionary Congress is devoid of fraternity, 
humanity and mercy, and will be followed to their graves, when 
death shall have rid the country of these enemies of its peace and 
prosperity, by the jeers and contempt of the American people. 

There should be in this country, as in some of the European 
states, an asylum erected for decayed gentlemen, which would 
serve as a comfortable home for the residue of their days. The 
friends of many of these decayed gentlemen would advance the 
necessary means towards the support of an institution of this char- 
acter. Let all true philanthropists take the matter in hand, and 
we entertain little doubt that a benevolent project of this kind 
will be carried out to a successful termination. All business men 
and mechanics should have separate institutions of this sort, and 
with the abundant means they could command, how well would 
they make the last days of their superannuated brethren peaceful 
and devoid of all care ! 

Some persons think that Louis Napoleon, Emperor of France, 
is the most extraordinary man in the world at the present time. 
The name of Napoleon, which had such magic sound during the 
times of the first Emperor, gave great prestige to the present 
Emperor, to which he chiefly owes his success and fame, and with 
which he has ventured to accomplish more than his distinguished 
uncle. We think, however, that Andrew Johnson, without the 
all-conquering prestige of the French Emperor — self-taught, and 
arriving at the pinnacle of fame as a statesman alone by his own 
untiring efforts — possessing the most extraordinary character in 
the world for firmness and decision, his manifest attachment to 
the people and an undying patriotism and love for his country — is 
the great representative man of the times, and his name will 
descend to posterity as the Great Defender of Constitutional 
Liberty. 

In the course of time many of the dwellings in our city will 
be dismantled and rebuilt, or remodeled. Streets and alleys will 



27 

be widened, and various other public improvements, and the erec- 
tion of loftier structures, will give St. Louis an appearance of 
elegance like that of Paris, France. The plan of Napoleon con- 
demned whole blocks of buildings, and erected in their stead 
blocks of uniform height and beauty, with all the public conve- 
niences to meet the wishes and wants of the happy Parisians. As 
it is with the fashions, so will it be in the future of our city when 
we shall have followed the Parisian style and beauty of her 
structures. 

Every intelligent man should make it a rule to attend divine 
service at least once every Sunday. We have heard Gen. Scott 
say that he observed this rule most faithfully for nearly half a 
century. What an illustrious example for the youth of our 
country to follow ! The old warrior never neglected this one 
great duty, and it is remarkable that all his other worldly or public 
duties were as punctiliously and faithfully observed. The pros- 
perous and happy man, we venture to say, has not often neglected 
his religious duties. 

Henry Clay uttered a truism when he said in a public speech 
on one occasion, that nineteen out of every twenty men did not 
possess common sense. Prudent men are very scarce, we all 
know, while reckless and unthinking men are numerous, their 
name being legion. The world would be more at peace and pros- 
perous did none but prudent and sagacious men control its gov- 
ernments. . Common sense dictates the prudence which guides 
us safely, if not to riches, to the goal of safety and happiness. 

/ 

The sacrifice of life and treasure during the Rebellion was ter- 
rible, and the deserted mourners as well as impoverished families 
of our country have suffered beyond conception the ruthless 
scourge of war. The national debt, as a consequence, is over 
three thousand millions of dollars, which will take some genera- 
tions to liquidate. The Southern slaveholders, as the result of 
the emancipation scheme, lost from three to four thousand millions 
of dollars in slaves, which left them in a destitute condition. 
Had not the war occurred, we might well exclaim, so far as the 
South is concerned, Happy master, happy slave ! 

To* day our military government costs us one hundred and 
twenty millions of dollars annually, yet we are not at war, and do 



28 

not protect ourselves against any foreign power. Our taxes have 
swollen to the amount of one thousand millions of dollars annu- 
ally, an impost which will compare with that of any other country. 
The great indebtedness of the country proves that the credit of 
the Government is good in the estimation of the governments of 
Europe, while the necessity exists of our taking many years to 
liquidate the national debt. 

We told President Johnson on one occasion, in 1866, that we 
asked the Lord to bless him in his patriotic and humane efforts to 
reunite the people. He replied that the prayer of the righteous 
man availeth much. This was a fit answer to our question, yet 
might have been addressed with more propriety to a churchman, 
or to one who does not hide his light under a bushel. We revere 
Christianity, and endeavor to do our duty, but lack the confidence 
to place ourselves in the position of " the righteous man." The 
prayers, however, of the patriotic throughout our country have 
kept our good President firm and decided, and are already prom- 
ising the good days of union and harmony to the nation. 

Heney Clay was in favor of the liberty of the press to the 
fullest lawful latitude, but made the press responsible for its abuse 
when it descends to low scurrility and defamation of character. 
The great Kentuckian was a high-toned man, full of enthusiasm 
for the cause he espoused, a profound statesman and eloquent 
pleader, and yet in his intercourse with his neighbors and friends, 
the illiterate as well as the intelligent, he was a plain, practical 
man. If he was ever the object of personal detraction in any 
newspaper, he never to our knowledge, so far as he himself was 
especially concerned, made the press responsible; for an acknow- 
ledgment of his merits as a statesman and patriot was cheerfully 
awarded by the entire press of the country, including many of 
the Democratic journals of his time. Detraction in some papers 
politically opposed to him could scarcely affect the gallant de- 
fender of the Constitution when he was conscious of having 
reached the goal of all his hopes and aspirations, a fame well 
earned, with the respect and affection of the American people. 

The workingmen of his time were his most enthusiastic ad- 
mirers. On one occasion, at a gathering of workingmen in one of 
our Eastern cities, he was called upon to address them. Mounting 
an elevated rostrum, he spoke in a strain of eloquence which 
thrilled the eager auditory, and elicited the most unbounded and 



29 

rapturous applause. Pausing for a moment, he raised his hand 
aloft and pointed to the tall structures and spires in view, uttering 
in clarion tones these memorable words : " Behold your own 
proud handiwork — the lofty monuments erected to your own 
glory !" Affected as though with an electric shock, the vast mul- 
titude swayed to and fro, and one shout after another rent the air, 
until Mr. Clay was under the necessity, amid the continuous roar 
of applause, of repeatedly bowing his acknowledgments and 
retiring. Very few men, that have ever addressed the people, 
could enlist so well the eager attention of a vast multitude, and 
few men have lived that could move them to the same degree by 
his powerful reasoning and eloquence. 

Greeley astonished the country by offering himself as one of 
the bail for Jefferson Davis. We might call his conduct in this in- 
stance very magnanimous; yet when we consider that Davis and 
Greeley were as opposite to each other in politics as the antipodes, 
there was undoubtedly a fair opportunity for the latter to return 
good for evil, and thus heap coals of fire upon the head of his 
political foe. Greeley might also, at the time Davis was immured 
in Fortress Monroe, have felt disposed to exhibit not only his gen- 
erosity to his old foe, but a proud superiority over the ex-Confed- 
erate President that deigned to release him from the restraints 
and confinement of his prison. 

It would scarcely be of any account to apply this truism to the 
Radicals: "To err is human, to forgive divine." They cannot 
see it in the light that all patriots do when they eloquently plead 
for a return of the Southern States and the reunion and harmony 
of the two great sections of the country. The solemn pledges of 
men, who had espoused the Confederate cause, of fealty to our 
Government is not sufficient with these bitter Radicals, and for- 
giveness is no part of their religious creed. Their prayer is not 
"forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass 
against us ;" but their hostility to Southern white men will pre- 
vent them from breathing any other prayer than this : " Forgive 
us our trespasses, and punish those who trespass against us." 
Verily, we have a Christian Congress ! Will they deserve the 
plaudit and welcome of Him who said: "Well done, my good 
and faithful servants; enter into the joys of thy Lord" ? By an 
unceasing repentance of the past, we trust the mercy of Heaven 
will some day reach them ! 



30 

We once heard the celebrated negro man, Fred. Douglass, 
lecture. He exhibited remarkable ease of delivery, which he has 
so readily acquired while mingling with distinguished speakers of 
the superior race. Negroes ape admirably the manners of the 
whites, to whom they have ever looked, in their former relation 
of slave and master, with a kind of respect akin to reverence. 
Such was our impression while listening to Fred. Douglass ; but 
his pompous account of the manner in which he was received by 
the nobility of England, from which country he had just returned, 
partook at times of the ludicrous as he waved his hand imperi- 
ously, it seemed to us, while referring to my Lord This and my 
Lord That. This habit of Fred, in common with others of his 
own race, of aping "white trash" of distinction, would enable 
him, if he sojourned a season in Paris, to acquire the superfluous 
manners of the most accomplished courtiers of the Emperor, and 
return to America with a distingue air that would astonish " white 
folks." Fred himself overawes without a doubt the unintellectual 
nigger by his grandiloquent speech ; but so far as the animal is 
concerned, Afric's rank odor exudes from his skin on a warm sum- 
mer day, and the " white trash," while Fred arrives at the perora- 
tion of his discourse, and his blood is up to fever heat, will as 
readily place themselves at a safe hearing distance as Sambo will 
approach the feet of the orator and revel in an atmosphere which 
bears to him the scent of the ottar of roses ! 

The ground for the new Union Market House cost the city 
$245,000 in forty-year bonds. The cost of building amounted to 
$100,000, the total cost to the city being $345,000. The market 
building is a very great convenience to the city, and one which 
we could not now dispense with for a day. 

The estimated cost of the Court House is $1,200,000. This is 
a mighty structure, and cost twenty years' labor in building. It 
is of colossal proportions, and occupies the space, including the 
railing, from Fourth to Fifth street. The rotundo is spacious and 
beautiful, and the stranger will be struck at once, as he views the 
exterior of the building, with its mighty dome, and by the gran- 
deur of this well-proportioned and immense pile of mason-work. 

The new Masonic Hall, erected by the Grand Lodge of the 
State of Missouri, on the corner of Seventh and Market streets, 
reflects great credit on the Order. This beautiful and massive 
structure is built of white marble, which is certaintly a great orna- 



31 

ment to St. Louis, and puts into the shade the O'Fallon Institute 
adjoining it. Such structure as this will be permanent, and others 
that will follow it will endure for an age. 

We have magnificent hotels in this city, and can vie in this 
respect with the best in the Eastern cities. The Southern Hotel 
was building some six years, and possesses every modern conve- 
nience, including the "elevator," which conveys guests and bag- 
gage from the ground floor to any altitude in the vast building. 
The Lindell, which was burned down last winter, possessed the 
same superior modern conveniences. Each of these famous struc- 
tures cost about one million of dollars each. 

The test-oath in Missouri was declared nugatory, null and void, 
when applied to American citizens. The war is over, the rebels 
have submitted, and taken the most solemn pledges of faithfulness 
to the constituted authorities of the country, and it would be 
spurning the kneeling suppliant for the pardon of the President 
to require of him the additional pledge of the test-oath. The 
issue of State rights, out of which grew Southern secessionism, 
failed at last after a bloody contest of four years, and now we are 
at peace so far as hostilities are concerned, with no possibility of 
a renewal of civil war in the future history of our country. All 
are willing to return into the fold of the Union. Let them come, 
but let not insult be still added to injury, by requiring the test- 
oath as a preparatory measure for Southern men to enjoy the 
right of suffrage! 

Gen. Sherman remarked in a public speech in this city, a year 
or more since, that St. Louis was destined to be the capital of the 
United States, and the second city in the Union. We must then 
multiply and replenish the earth, according to the Book of Genesis, 
invite additional emigration by reducing the rents, extend our 
trade and commerce, raise plentiful crops, continue to build up 
our great railroads, set the iron horse to work, and last, though 
not least, complete the St. Louis and Illinois Bridge, and we can 
in the future, when we shall have arrived at the destiny predicted 
by Gen. Sherman, reap the rich fruits of trade with the shores of 
the Pacific as with the Atlantic seaboard. The General recently, 
on the occasion of the annual festival of the Army of Tennessee, 
paid similar high compliments to St. Louis, and especially to the 
courtesy extended to him by the journals of the city and our 
citizens. 



32 

Reader, whoever thou art, rememember to practice virtue thy- 
self, and encourage it in others. — Patrick Henry. 

Swear not at all, and never by Jesus Christ, the Redeemer of 
mankind. — John Quincy Adams. 

Three things will always command respect in this world — talent, 
wealth and beauty ; the opposite, ignorance, poverty, and old age, 
have always a downward tendency. We have known poverty, 
talent and uncomeliness to command almost reverence, for the 
possession of talent and genius made the others attractive and 
lovely. Charlotte Bronte, the talented authoress of some master- 
pieces of fiction which have enchanted the reading world, was old 
and poor, yet her genius made her an angel. 

To young men we would say, be strictly temperate, join the 
Good Templars of Temperance, be honest, attend faithfully to 
your business, treat every body with a gentlemanly courtesy, and 
you will prosper, with a good government to protect you and 
yours, and under your own vine and fig-tree, where none can 
make you afraid, you will be happy and live a useful and honor- 
able life to a good old age. When the sun of your life is about 
setting, you will enjoy the approval of a good conscience, and the 
plaudit and welcome of the Author of all good : " Well done, my. 
good and faithful servants; I have been with you in the sixth 
tribulation, and I will not forsake you in the seventh." 

Yankee tricks are the lowest resort of the swindler and 
cheat. The Yankee will tell you a plausible story to collect a 
crowd, and then the misrepresentation and the lie come to get 
the advantage of you. After accomplishing his object, he will 
swindle and rob you. Both Yankee men and women practice 
dishonest games, whom all truthful persons should avoid. These 
Yankee cheats are not the true representatives of Yankeedom. 
We speak of the masses, and the adventurers who journey through 
the country to make money upon the credulity of honest people. 
The tricks attributed to the Yankee could just as well be played 
by more honest people, but who scorn deception, and would not 
swindle their neighbor in word or deed. Wooden hams, wooden 
nutmegs, and clay soap, characterize Yankee deception and Yan- 
kee swindling. 

Horace Greeley says: "The man who pays more for his 
shop rent than his advertising does not know his business." 



33 

Radicalism, which is the father of negro-ism, social-ism, true- 
love-ism, and spiritual-ism, characterizes the fanatical and crazy 
portion of the people throughout the North. But womans'-rights- 
ism is the most extraordinary ism of the day. It advocates wo- 
man's suffrage, and of course would claim as well the right to hold 
office. This country has got along very well without woman's 
suffrage, and indeed the country would elect better men to office 
if women never voted. It would be a great punishment to the 
ladies if they would place themselves in the position of the voter ; 
but some of them might think it a healthful exercise to repair to 
the polls and jostle their male friends aside to vote ahead of them ! 
Then the mingling of females who bear a fair reputation with the 
most degraded of their sex ; the calm though earnest persuasion 
of the former to vote a particular ticket, and the noisy and pro- 
fane replies of the latter who are wrangling in opposition ; the 
rush made by the modern Xantippes to hustle away the virtuous 
and well informed female voters ; the despoiling of head-dresses 
and the faces of the fair ; the shrieks and cries for father, husband, 
brother to rescue them from the violent hands of female tigresses ; 
the retreat of the assaulted and worsted party from the polls, and 
the undaunted and savage Amazons in close pursuit, while a wide 
passage is given for the parties in the chase ; the repeated screams 
for mercy of the party pursued as they are again and again as- 
saulted, and the triumphant yells of the attacking party ; the loud 
laughter of vulgar men, and a general comingling of the voices 
of both sexes ; the arrival of the police, and the arrest of good 

and bad among our female voters Oh, Lord ! a further picture 

of such probable scenes, if all women were permitted to vote, 
would be too soul-harrowing, and we drop the curtain ! We love 
and respect all good women, and we believe many of them would 
never repair to the polls to vote ; yet many of them would not 
only thus unsex themselves, but seek degradation by mingling with 
the abandoned of their sex at places of election. 

Gerrit Smith addresses a letter to Thaddeus Stevens on our 
duty to the people of the South. Mr. Smith says that there are 
two reasons why the North should be glad to help the South. 
First, the South is poor — very poor ; and the North is rich — very 
rich. Second, the North is largely responsible for the poverty of 
the South, because our fathers united with those of the South in 
upholding and extending slavery. At one time every Congress 
was for slavery, and the Missouri Compromise was the work of 

3 



34 

the North as well as of the South. The Fugitive Slave Act 
was enforced vigorously. The colleges and theological seminaries 
generally were on the side of slavery, as well as nearly the entire 
people, and the commerce of the North was emphatically in the 
interest of slavery. Would that Congress were so just and wise 
as to lend fifty millions to the Southern States, to each of which 
so much as would be proportionate to her population, and to what 
she had suffered from the ravages of war. , This, by proving the 
love and pity of the North for her, would win the South's heart, 
and would thus produce a true and lasting peace between them. 
This fifty millions, in a financial point of view, would be worth 
more than that to the nation. 

Poor white widows and orphans, according to the last report 
of Gen. Miles, Assistant Commissioner of the Freedman's Bureau 
of North Carolina, as counted by thousands, were living on charity. 
There was no employment for them, and hundreds went into the 
fields to earn enough to sustain life, but their feeble constitutions 
soon broke down under the burning sun. Miserable and terrible 
consequences of the war, when its woes must thus be visited upon 
widows and orphans ! 

A nephew of the great Henry Clay, who was stopping at the 
Planter's Hotel, told us on one occasion about the railroads under 
the French capital. For miles under Paris cars run, cattle are 
driven, and milk carts come out at different stations in the suburbs 
of the city every morning. Such a system should be adopted in 
the cities of this country, and thus keep our streets rid of all in- 
cumbrances, and save life and limb of the helpless pedestrian on 
the streets. 

" How far the duty of the President to preserve, protect and 
defend the Constitution requires him to go in opposing an un- 
constitutional act of Congress, is a very serious and important 
questibn on which I have deliberated much and felt extremely 
anxious to reach a proper conclusion. 

" A faithful and conscientious magistrate will concede very 
much to honest error, and something even to perverse malice, 
before he will endanger the public peace, and he will not adopt 
forcible measures, or such as might lead to force, as long as the 
chances which are peaceable remain open to him or to his con 
stituents. It is true that cases may occur in which the Execu- 



35 

tive would be compelled to stand on his rights and maintain them, 
regardless of consequences. 

" If Congress should pass an act which is not only in palpable 
conflict with the Constitution, but will certainly, if carried out, 
produce immediate and irreparable injury to the organic structure 
of the Government, and if there be neither judicial remedy for 
the wrongs it inflicts, nor power in the people to protect them- 
selves without the official aid of their elected defenders ; if, for 
instance, the Legislative department should pass an act, even 
through all forms of law, to abolish a co-ordinate department of 
government — in such a case the President must take the high 
responsibilities of his office and save the life of the nation at all 
hazards." 

We extract the above from the President's message, read in 
Congress December 3d, 1867. The language of the President is 
significant, and should be regarded by the people as justifiable 
since Congress has attempted to dispense with the Executive 
branch of the Government and assume the supreme power. If 
the worst come to the worst, and the existence of the nation be 
imperilled by the persistent usurpation of Congress, we believe 
that the duty of the President is plain, and that the people will 
sustain hirn even should he order the arrest of Sumner, Stevens 
& Co., those mischievous agitators and enemies of the peace of 
the country. Once arraigned before the proper tribunal, let jus- 
tice be meted out to men who have endeavored to rob white free- 
men of their rights, and raised the parricidal hand at " the life of 
the nation." The people demand a restoration of concord and 
peace between the two sections of the country, and the action 
the President proposes to take will not only secure such blessing, 
but save our Government from its threatened overthrow. 

Duking the war there were Northern men who did not appear 
to know the difference between municipal and international law. 
They clamored at first for the life of every Confederate prisoner, 
until taught the absolute necessity of observing the common laws 
of war. Since the war has closed, the trial and punishment ot 
the leading men of the Confederate government and army have 
been demanded by these unthinking men, without taking into 



36 

consideration the fact, that our country was actually divided into 
two separate states during the war, acting independently of each 
other, and when conquered required the same respect and con- 
sideration as any other nation with whom we were at war. Yattel 
says : 

" But when a nation becomes divided into parties absolutely 
independent, and no longer acknowledging a common superior, 
the state is dissolved, and the war between the two stands on the 
same ground, in every respect, as a public war between two dif- 
ferent nations. They decide their quarrels by arms, as two differ- 
ent nations would do. The obligation to observe the common 
laws of war towards each other is therefore absolute, indispen- 
sably binding on both parties, and the same which the laws of 
nations impose on all nations in transactions between state and 
state." 

Vattel speaks as precisely of our case as though he had us only 
in his mind. 

Hallam, Macaulay, Welker, unsurpassed authorities on such sub- 
jects, and all of our own enlightened day, fully sustain Vattel. 
In speaking of civil war, Hallam says : 

"The vanquished are to be judged by the rules of nations, not 
of municipal law." 

Macaulay says that, in such a case,- 

" The vanquished ought to be treated according to the rules 
not of municipal but of international law." 

The Honololu Advertiser published an account of the discovery 
of land in the Arctic Ocean by Capt. Long, of the whaleship IsTile. 
It is thought it will prove to be the polar continent. The past 
season was the mildest experienced by the oldest whalemen, who 
were enabled to reach latitude 73.30, and examined the land at- 
tentively along the entire Southern coast, and sketched its ap- 
pearance. It is quite elevated in appearance, and contains near 
the centre, about longitude 180, what resembled an extinct vol- 
cano, which is estimated at 3,000 feet high. He named the coun- 
try Urangells Land, after the Russian explorer. The west point 
is in latitude 70.56 north ; longitude 78.30 east. He named the 
cape Thomas, after a seaman who discovered it. The southeast 
point is named Cape Havan. The Nile sailed several days along 
the coast and approached within fifteen miles. The lower part of 



37 

the land was free of snow, and appeared covered with vegetation. 
It is impossible to tell how far the land extends northward. He 
could see ranges of mountains in the distance. 

In a speech, delivered by Hon. George Pendleton, at Madison, 
Wisconsin, it was asserted, from undoubted authority, that the 
Freedmen's Bureau and military government cost the people of 
our county, by appropriations and in other ways, $200,000,000 ! 
Must such lavish expenditure continue much longer ? The mili- 
tary government controls Southern white men; the Freedmen's 
Bureau feeds, clothes, and teaches the negroes ! Well might 
Sambo say, "Poor white trash!" for white men, women and chil- 
dren have been suffering for the very necessaries of life while lazy 
negroes were fed and clothed ! This reign of fanatical radicalism 
will last but for a brief season, and the leading radicals be politi- 
cally ostracized. 

The taxation by the city of Cincinnati, under the Internal 
Revenue Law to-day, is equal to that paid by any eight of the ten 
States of the South. This is certainly evidence of the great 
wealth and consequent business enterprise of that city, and under 
the present adverse circumstances of the country, with her partial 
stagnation of trade and onerous taxation, it speaks volumes for 
the indomitable energy and courage of the trading men of the 
Queen City. 

The Republican member, of Mass., Chairman of the Committee 
of Investigation, charged with looking into the expenditures of the 
Government, says, that the stealing on horse contracts, permitted 
by the War Department in the first year of Mr. Lincoln's admin- 
istration, amounted to more than the annual expenditures of 
James Buchanan's administration. This is worthy of record. 

The resolution for the impeachment of the President came up 
on the 7th of December of this year, the pending of the ques- 
tion being on the motion of Mr. Wilson, of Iowa, to lay the sub- 
ject on the table. After considerable fillibustering, Mr. Logan 
said if the Chairman of the Judiciary Committee would withdraw 
his motion and allow a vote to be taken squarely on the impeach- 
ment resolution, the minority would withdraw all opposition. 
Mr. Wilson assented, and withdrew the motion to lay on the 
table, and moved the previous question on the resolution. The 



38 , 

motion was seconded, the main question ordered, and the House 
proceeded to vote by yeas and nays on the following resolution : 

Resolved, That Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, 
be impeached for high crimes and misdemeanors. 

Yeas, 57 ; nays, 108. 

Thus was the impeachment of the President squelched. To 
keep in everlasting remembrance the bitter radicals, who voted 
for the impeachment resolution, and who would thus have at- 
tempted to destroy the Government and brought on civil war, we 
append their names, which all true friends of their country will 
ever hold in utter detestation : 

Yeas — Anderson, Arnell, Ashley, Ohio; Boutwell, Churchill, 
Clark, Ohio; Clarke, Kansas; Cobb, Coburn, Covode, Cullam, 
Donnelly, Eckly, Ely, Farnsworth, Gravelly, Harding, Higby, 
Hopkins, Hunter, Judd, Julian, Kelley, Kelsey, Lawrence, Ohio ; 
Loan, Logan, Loughridge, Lynch, Maynard, McClurg, Mercer, 
Mullens, Myers, Newcomb, Nunn, O'Neal, Orth, Paine, Pile, Rice, 
Schenck, Shanks, Stevens, New Hampshire ; Stevens, Pennsyl- 
vania; Stokes, Thomas, Trimble, Trowbridge, Van Horn, Mis- 
souri; Ward, Williams, Pennsylvania; Williams, Indiana; Wat- 
son, Pennsylvania — 57. 

The Central Pacific Railroad expects to be able to finish their 
share of the trans-continental road at Fort Bridger, 120 miles 
beyond Salt Lake City, and if the Union Pacific Company are 
fortunate enough, notwithstanding Indian fights, expensive trans- 
portation, etc., to finish their end in time to meet the California 
branch at Fort Badger, we shall be able to whirl across the conti- 
nent from the Sacramento to the Missouri in three days and a 
half, in two years and a half from this time. 

Christ Church (Episcopalian), situated at the corner of Lo- 
cust and Thirteenth streets, fronting Lucas Park, will be a very 
stately and elegant edifice when fully completed, and will cost 
$300,000. It will be among the most attractive church buildings 
in St. Louis. 

The Jewish Synagogue, situated on the corner of Seventeenth 
and Pine streets, is a very handsome structure., and the probable 
cost is from $50,000 to $75,000. 

The debt of the United States amounts to $3,000,000,000, 
$2,200,000,000 being in liquidation form, bearing interest. 



39 

Since the impeachment of the President has been squelched, 
there is some talk of arresting Ashley, who originated the ridicu- 
lous farce of impeaching our patriotic Chief Magistrate, and 
arraigning him for suborning witnesses to testify against the 
President for his " high crimes and misdemeanors." Such men as 
this Ashley richly merit punishment ; but the greatest punishment 
which he can endure for life will be the scorn and execration of a 
justly indignant people. 

Impeachment is an accusation or charge brought against a 
public officer for maladministration in his office. In Great Britain 
it is the privilege or right of the House of Commons to impeach, 
and the right of the House of Lords to try and determine im- 
peachments. In the United States, it is the right of the House 
of Representatives to impeach, and of the Senate to try and de- 
termine impeachments. In Great Britain the House of Peers, and 
in the United States the Senate, and the Senates of the several 
States, are the high courts of impeachment. 

On the 9th of December, 1867, three prominent citizens of St. 
Louis departed this life. Edward William Johnston, a literary 
man of considerable celebrity, died at his residence in Dayton 
street, after an illness of over four months, aged sixty-eight years. 
He was a brother of Gen. Joseph E. Johnston. 

Dr. Stephen W. Adreon, an old physician of the city, and in 
past years a member of the Council, died at his residence, No. 
1311 North Fourteenth street. At the time of his death he was 
Seventh ward physician and a member of the Board of Managers 
of the House of Refuge. He possessed some excellent personal 
traits, which won the esteem and respect of the community. 

Edgar Ames, one of our wealthiest and most public spirited 
citizens, died at his residence at Sixteenth street and Washington 
avenue. He was a young man in the prime of life, and his death 
occasioned deep regret in the community. He was widely known 
as a prominent member of the house of Henry Ames & Co., of 
Main street, and as an heir and manager of the Lindell estate. 

Henry Clay for some years, while he was member of Con- 
gress, wore blue home-spun Kentucky jeans, until at last, when 
his great public services won him friends and admirers, some of 
J^em presented him occasionally with a suit of fine black Ameri- 
ijafr cloth, which he donned with great pleasure. 



40 

It is a fact not generally known, especially in the East, that 
the German population of St. Louis is 80,000. They are gen- 
erally an honest, law-abiding, industrious people, and deserve well 
the success resulting from their efforts to accumulate property. 

TEMPERANCE. 
What has ruined the hope and vigor of youth, 
And wrecked all the worth and honor of manhood ? 
What has barbed the shafts of disease, / 
And opened the fountains of crime ? 
What fills our asylums with paupers, 
And strews earth with unhonored graves ? 
What peoples our cities with mourners, 
And opens the gulfs of despair? 
Intemperance. 

What makes age keep the promise of youth ? 
What brings plenty in poverty's train ? 
Gives health where avenging disease 
Has laid the wan blight of its hand ? 
What gladdens the sorrowing wife ? . 
Brings bread to the famishing child ? 
Raises men from dishonor and vice, 
And to sorrow, and want, and despair, 
Comes to light up the darkness of earth 
With the brightness and blessing of heaven ? 
The Temperance Pledge ! 



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